Nevada, like the rest of the country, is an importer of goods and services; and, like the other states in the
Union it is not immune from the effects of free trade agreements on its economy. However, unlike many other states it has a Senator (John Ensign) currently occupying a chair on the Senate Finance Committee which has before it a bill (S.1919) that seeks to improve the enforcement of free trade provisions. The committee has heard testimony on the bill, but thus far nothing substantive has happened.
Manufacturing job losses, trade deficits, free trade agreement enforcement, and disposable income levels are all intertwined, and all have ramifications for Nevada, and her sister states, that should be addressed before the economic situation becomes even more problematic.
A Stake in the Issue
The Bureau of Economic Analysis reports that Nevada’s contribution to U.S. exports of manufactured goods amounted to about 0.5% of the cumulative total, and 0.4% of the cumulative total for non-manufactured goods to date. Bluntly speaking, the Silver State is dependent on the importation of stuff from around the rest of the country and from overseas, which puts the state into the general classification of “importer” along with the other 49. Nothing in these numbers should surprise anyone who resides here even overnight; the state is dependent on tourism, the military, agriculture, and mining; with the emphasis on tourism.
If this is the case, then why should Nevadans be concerned with the manufacturing import and export figures released by the Bureau of Economic Analysis? We should attend to the numbers because those tourists have to come from somewhere, with money to leave on our tables and in our slot machines.
Common sense dictates, and the numbers verify, that increasing the trade deficits for manufactured goods tends to depress wages and the creation of jobs paying a living wage. [EPI] The U.S. has already experienced the loss of about 2.8 million manufacturing jobs since 2000. [AFL-CIO] Drilling down into the general ‘manufacturing’ category, the Bureau of Labor Statistics reports 10,146,560 people engaged in “production occupations,” with median hourly wages of $13.53, and a mean hourly wage of $15.05. These figures yield a mean annual wage of approximately $31,310. This annual total obviously isn’t going to provide the average American “production worker” with much spare change to leave in Las Vegas. Creating a yet more dismal picture, the Bureau of Labor Statistics predicts that in spite of increases in real output, employment in the production sector is anticipated to decline by another 1.5 million jobs between 2006 and 2016. [BLSpdf]
Academic economists seeking to minimize the impact of the loss in manufacturing jobs often site increases in health care services and other occupations as a counter-balancing force. However, a person laid off from a production occupation job providing a $31,310 mean annual wage isn’t improving his or her financial outlook by taking a health care support job with a mean annual wage of $25,600. [BLS]
Worse yet, some of the specific manufacturing occupations are predicted to continue a declining pattern. The BLS projects that the employment for sewing machine operators will drop by 27% by the year 2016, electrical and electronic equipment assembling jobs will decline by 26%, and lathe and machine tool jobs will see a 23% loss. [BLS] The losses of construction jobs paying a $40,620 mean annual wage aren’t going to be balanced by the expected increase in service related employment, [BLS] such as protective services in which the mean annual wage is reported as $38,750. [BLS]
Beneath all the numbers is the haunting reality that trade deficits do matter.
“The rising trade deficit in manufactured goods accounts for about 58% of the decline in manufacturing employment between 1998 and 2003 and 34% of the decline from 2000 to 2003. This translates into about 1.78 million jobs since 1998 and 935,000 jobs since 2000 that have been lost due to rising net manufactured imports.” [EPI]
A quick look at the last Bureau of Economic Analysis report on U.S. import-export figures offers no solace that the trade deficit is narrowing. Most manufactured items fall into one of two classifications in Bureau of Economic Analysis reports: capital goods (industrial equipment) and consumer goods (household items). *
Exports of capital goods (excluding automobiles) [BEA] (millions of dollars)
YTD 2007 142,430
YTD 2008 156,592
Imports of capital goods (excluding automobiles) [BEA]
YTD 2007 144,342
YTD 2008 152,732
Our exportation of equipment looks a bit better than most categories, but the import-export ratio is still almost a wash.
Exports of automobiles, parts, and engines: [BEA]
YTD 2007 40,681
YTD 2008 38,236
Imports of automobiles, parts, and engines: [BEA]
YTD 2007 85,535
YTD 2008 85,624
There is no way to tout these numbers as any form of good news, our exports are down and the imports have increased.
Exports of iron and steel mill products: [BEA]
YTD 2007 2,704
YTD 2008 3,452
Imports of iron and steel mill products: [BEA]
YTD 2007 6,574
YTD 2008 6,848
These look like happy numbers, with the exports increasing from 2007 to 2008, until one looks at the importation figures which are nearly twice the export numbers.
Exports of consumer goods [BEA]
YTD 2007 47,147
YTD 2008 52,635
Imports of consumer goods [BEA]
YTD 2007 158,292
YTD 2008 159,774
How we expect to narrow the trade deficit when our imports of consumer goods are 3.03 times our exports is a mystery.
Between the Numbers and the RealityThere remains some controversy about the impact of free trade agreements on the
U.S. manufacturing sector. However, the theoretical arguments holding that the free trade agreements would expand the U.S. manufacturing base by opening markets overseas [
USTO] quickly fall victim to those pesky numbers. It is correct that
U.S. exports to
Canada and
Mexico increased by 41% and 95.2% respectively. On the other hand the
U.S. imported 195.3% more from
Mexico, and 61.1% more from
Canada under the NAFTA terms. [
EPI]
These reports don’t necessarily argue for a return to a protectionist tariff policy, which has become a Republican ‘shorthand’ term applied to any criticism of free trade agreements. They may, however, argue for far more oversight and enforcement of the free trade agreements than the Bush-Cheney Administration has been inclined to pursue. Testimony from Lael Brainard of the Brookings Institution to the Senate Finance Committee concerning the Trade Enforcement Act (S. 1919) outlined two critical issues:
“With trade volumes shooting up, the disciplines covered by trade agreements spreading out, and trade agreements extending to countries with weaker oversight capacities, it would be natural to expect trade disputes and the associated enforcement actions to rise at least proportionally to exports. Yet, contrary to expectations, the administration is taking fewer enforcement actions per year—not more.” [BI]
“Despite the explosion in trade volumes, trade partners, trade agreements, and trade provisions, staffing levels with primary monitoring and enforcement responsibility have not increased since 2002. Static and inadequate levels of staffing are exacerbated by inadequate training and lack of coordination across the key agencies.” [BI]
Labor issues have become an integral part of free trade agreements, especially after the United States started negotiating treaties with less developed countries. Only those who are singularly focused on the “economic growth” and “productivity” figures have sought to minimize the observations that globalization has both costs and benefits. Pressure for low cost production can obviously lead to “downward pressure on wages and job displacement.” [CRS]
A February 2008 report to Congress from the Congressional Research Service listed enforcement issues to which attention needs to be paid:
(1) Under the terms of the agreements all commercial provisions are fully enforceable, but not all of the labor provisions;
(2) There are different enforcement procedures for and caps on penalties for violations of the labor provisions;
(3) There are limits placed on the scope of term definitions in labor provisions;
(4) There are “differentials” in federal resources available for labor as compared to commercial dispute resolution; and
(5) The pursuit of dispute resolutions involving labor provisions has not been a priority.
Which presidential candidate is the most likely to call for remedies to the situation described in the CRS report?
The ProposalsAt the national level, GOP presidential candidate John McCain emphasized his “free trade” stance during his trip to Colombia and Mexico. It appears that he got no closer to referencing labor and human rights elements than an acknowledgment that Colombia has had past “human rights abuses by the paramilitaries.” [CNN] McCain offers: “Ninety-five percent of the world's customers lie outside our borders and we need to be at the table when the rules for access to those markets are written. To do so, the U.S. should engage in multilateral, regional and bilateral efforts to reduce barriers to trade, level the global playing field and build effective enforcement of global trading rules. These steps would also strengthen the U.S. dollar and help to control the rising cost of living that hurts our families.” It is of note in this explanation that Senator McCain apparently continues the Bush-Cheney Administration focus on the enforcement of the commercial “global trading rules” since there is no reference to labor and environmental provisions.
Democratic candidate Barack Obama has called for amending NAFTA, with his economic policy director noting that the benefits of NAFTA were “oversold.” [UPI] Senator Obama’s website explains: “Obama will fight for a trade policy that opens up foreign markets to support good American jobs. He will use trade agreements to spread good labor and environmental standards around the world and stand firm against agreements like the Central American Free Trade Agreement that fail to live up to those important benchmarks. Obama will also pressure the World Trade Organization to enforce trade agreements and stop countries from continuing unfair government subsidies to foreign exporters and nontariff barriers on U.S. exports.” The difference in emphasis between the two campaigns lies in the inclusion of specific references to labor and environment provision enforcement in the Obama statement.
One route by which the costs of free trade agreements can be ameliorated is the enforcement of the FTAs’ labor and environmental provisions. Senators McCain and Obama ought to be asked about their support for S. 1919; a question that could as easily be asked of Senator John Ensign and the other members of the Senate Finance Committee – because it would be nice if those who “Come to Vegas, Have Something to Leave in Vegas.”
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* One problem with analyzing these numbers is that while the products may be assembled in the U.S. the manufacturer is foreign based. For example, some models of Toshiba, Panasonic, and Sharp television sets are assembled in the United States, but are owned by foreign manufacturing companies. Zenith Corporation, which brought us the ‘remote control’ for the television set is now a subsidiary of the South Korean LG Group. The other side of the coin is that there are some American based companies that have their products manufactured assembled elsewhere. The EPI uses a “net export” model to differentiate between items manufactured domestically, from those re-exported. [EPI]